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Ulster Defence Association (UDA)
The Ulster Defence Association (UDA) was founded in 1971 as an umbrella association for several Loyalist organisations, among which the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) and has become the largest Loyalist paramilitary group in Northern Ireland.
The Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) are so much interwoven that it is impossible to distinct the two organisations. Several authors assume that the name Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) is nothing more than a cover name. In fact the two organisations are known as just one organisation: the Ulster Defence Association/Ulster Freedom Fighters (UDA/UFF).
The number of members is estimated between 2000 and 5000. The withdraw of the Ulster Defence Association/Ulster Freedom Fighters (UDA/UFF) Inner Council of its support for the Good Friday Agreement in September 2001 was followed by numerous killings and at least 300 bombings. As a result of this outburst of violence the British Government dissolved the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP), the political wing of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). Shortly thereafter the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) raised the Ulster Political Research Group (UPRG) to replace the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP).
In January 2002 the Ulster Defence Association/Ulster Freedom Fighters (UDA/UFF) made an appeal to end sectarian violence. Nevertheless the violence against Catholics continued. Also Loyalists and even fellow members are known to be killed by the Ulster Defence Association/Ulster Freedom Fighters (UDA/UFF), mainly due to a feud with the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF).
Lack of found rising capacities is forcing the Ulster Defence Association/Ulster Freedom Fighters (UDA/UFF) in criminal moneymaking activities like drugs trafficking.
It is remarkable that the Ulster Defence Association/Ulster Freedom Fighters (UDA/UFF), despite their proven involvement in bombings and over 400 killings, remained a completely legal organisation until outlawed on 10 August 1992.
The Ulster Defence Association (UDA) kept well away from the Peace Process until the South East Antrim Brigade turned away from the mainstream Ulster Defence Association (UDA) in October 2007. Kitted with the promising name Beyond Conflict it had come to this group, led by Gary Fisher and Tommy Kirkham, that the years of sectarianism were over and done with. In the following months Beyond Conflict removed loyalist paintings in south-east Antrim, sought a rapprochement with the Independent International Commission of Decommissioning (IICD) and was granted with the prospect of eight million Pound Sterling, slightly over 11 million Euro, to spend on social development plans for the area.
The dissident Beyond Conflict group made the loyalist feathers fly. Bangor and Carrickfergus, home base of the group, were startled by pipe bombs, murder attempts and violent clashed at which one police officer was shot. On the other hand Kirkham's initiative gained unforeseen applause from Johnny Mad Dog Adaire. From exile in Scotland this former UDA leader, who had been on republican hit lists for years and still has a loyalist death threat hanging over him, called on the feuding Ulster Defence Association (UDA) to disarm and disband.
On a higher level the Ulster Political Research Group (UPGR) had received the signal from south-east Antrim. Carefully this political think tank of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) set forth to mould the paramilitary organisation into a committed community group. Probably in the winter of 2006 - 2007 the Ulster Political Research Group (UPGR) had already worked out a new name for the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) once the organisation had abjured both criminal as sectarian violence. On 22 October 2007 this new name, Ulster Defence Union (UDU), leaked out prematurely in the death notice of Sammy Duddy, a prominent member of the Ulster Political Research Group (UPGR). Instantly thereafter, nourished by the announcement that the paramilitary group was to make a significant statement on future intent on Remembrance Day, rumours about disarmament buzzed around.
Held every year on 11 November, the day that World War One ended in 1918, Remembrance Day is an emotionally charged day to commemorate those who fought, and are still fighting, in wars for the United Kingdom. Hence, expectations ran high, especially because Social Development Minister Margaret Ritchie had recently withdrawn 1.2 million Pound Sterling, some 1.6 million Euro, of funding from the Conflict Transformation Initiative after the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) had failed to decommission its weapons.
Instead of sending a clear-cut message to the world the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) issued a half-hearted declaration stating it was disbanding all of its armed units and the weapons would be stored out of reach for the lower ranks. The real purport of the declaration remained suspended in mid-air until Jackie McDonald, one of the leading members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), added that 90% of people in the loyalist community don't want decommissioning.
Ulster Young Militants (UYM)
Partially to relieve the old cities in the east of Northern Ireland from the expanding population new housing estates were built in the 1940's and 1950's. Apart from the urban planning aspect there was an underlying social aspect. It was hoped that these new estates would breach the historical grown borders between Protestant and Catholic quarters by assigning houses randomly and by doing so reducing sectarian ideas. Initially this initiative looked promising. On the blueprints of these satellite towns, such as Rathcoole near Belfast, a wide variety of schools, churches, cinemas, community centres and shops was planned to facilitate and entertain the residents.
At the end of the 1960's the dream collapsed. Most public services never extended the drawing board and in spite of the increasing population shops and other employers kept clear of the estates. There was for example no pub in Rathcoole when the housing project welcomed its 10,000-th resident. Instead of the intended self-supporting towns the estates became dormitory towns. By day the estates were deserted because the residents worked or studied in the old towns and for lack of night time entertainment people, and mainly the youngsters, loitered about.
At the same time it became apparent that, due to changed political interests, the aim to created mixed estates had failed. The increase of the Catholic population of Northern Ireland exceeded the growth of the Protestants and in order to maintain favourable electoral districts the Government had to juggle with either the district boundaries or the composition of the district population. To maintain a favourable composition the authorities made use of a strict allotment policy due to which Protestants prevailed in the new towns. A matter of minor consideration is the fact that Catholic families were displaced to quarters in the old towns with poorer living conditions.
At a certain point in time groups of Protestant bored young males, by then known as Tartan Gangs, a name derived from the tartan scarfs they used to identify themselves, started to muck in with the housing committees by pestering their Catholic neighbours. Some Catholic families were brought to their knees by the continuous harassments and decided to leave the estates on their own. In line with the overall increase of sectarian violence in Northern Ireland in the early 1970's these harassments had worsened from sly digs to open violence.
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) didn't put the Tartan Gangs the slightest obstacle in the way. In the contrary: the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and the British army were actively involved in moonlight flits, during which Protestant families took residence in houses abandoned by Catholic residents who had disappeared from the housing projects overnight. Not every Catholic was intimidated by servicemen knocking on the door in the middle of the night, but a bunch of testosterone loaded lads wrecking furniture can be very persuasive.
The Tartan Gangs were unorganised until most of them joined up to found the Ulster Young Militants (UYM). The circumstances of the formation, the structure and the magnitude of the Ulster Young Militants (UYM), or just Young Militants (YM), is unknown. It is believed that initially the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) put a sharp curb on the organisation, but that the command passed on to the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) somewhere in 1974 or 1975.
Apart from a few incidents, most likely carried out by individuals without order or even approval from higher ranks, there are no indications that the Ulster Young Militants (UYM) were involved in actual bombings, killings or other high risk operations. Seemingly pestering, fire-raising, street fighting and rioting, the latter mainly during the marching season, belonged to the core business of the hotheaded youths. Without denying the harm and distress caused to individuals one can say that the activities of the Young Militants (YM) went unnoticed for a long time due to the low impact on society as a whole. On the long run however this somewhat protected environment provided an excellent training for future paramilitary, such as Johnny Mad Dog Adair, who started their careers as members of the Young Militants (YM).
Nowadays murals are the most obvious indication of the existence of the Ulster Young Militants (UYM). Their murals are easy to recognise either by the name of the organisation or by the text Terrae Filius, meaning Son of the Land.
Members of the Young Militants (YM) have elevated the in essence degrading designation Womble into a honourable nickname.
Red Hand Defenders (RHD)
The Red Hand Defenders (RHD) is an extremely vague organisation which was probably formed in 1998 by opponents of the Good Friday Agreement from several Loyalist organisations.
Absolutely nothing is known regarding the ideological foundations, the financial resources and manpower.
It is known that both the Ulster Defence Association/Ulster Freedom Fighters (UDA/UFF) and the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) claimed actions in name of the Red Hand Defenders (RHD). The border between the Red Hand Defenders (RHD) and the Ulster Defence Association/Ulster Freedom Fighters (UDA/UFF) is particularly vague: two killings initially claimed by the Red Hand Defenders (RHD) were later claimed by the Ulster Defence Association/Ulster Freedom Fighters (UDA/UFF).
Some scholars assume that the Red Hand Defenders (RHD), due to the apparent, though unproven, links with other organisations and the intangibility of the organisation is a phantom branch, used by dissidents from organisations bound by the Good Friday Agreement.
The group is hold responsible for several attacks against so-called soft-targets such as civilians, churches and private businesses.
Several other Loyalist groups condemned the Red Hand Defenders (RHD) after the latter announced that staff members of Catholic schools and Catholic postal workers were considered legitimate targets.