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Irish Republican Army (IRA)
The history of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) goes back as far as 1912. If effectuated the Third Home Rule Bill would divide Ireland in a predominating Protestant area in the north-east, for the sake of convenience called Ulster, and a Catholic area, let's say Southern Ireland. This partition was unacceptable for the Protestants and they founded the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). The Catholics reacted swiftly by forming the Irish Volunteer Force (IVF), which would become the progenitor of all IRA branches.
Official Irish Republican Army (oIRA)
After the electoral victory of Sinn Féin in 1918, the following formation of the Dáil Éireann, or Irish Parliament, and the proclamation of the Poblacht na hÉireann, in this context translated as Irish Republic, in January 1919 the Irish Volunteer Force (IVF) initially continued to pursue the Third Home Rule Bill. At the same time however the Irish Volunteers grew impatient and by ambushing a small army convoy near Soleheadbeg in County Tipperary they initiated the War of Independence. In August 1919 the Irish Volunteers took an oath of allegiance to the Dáil Éireann and consequently the organisation became the official army of the Irish Republic, or Irish Republican Army (IRA).
The Anglo-Irish Treaty, which ended the War of Independence, divided Ireland in Northern Ireland and Saorstát Éireann, or Irish Free State. Members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in favour of the Anglo-Irish Treaty continued their service in the Free State Army.
The Anglo-Irish Treaty however was controversial. Several members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) refused to accept a divided Ireland, after all the Poblacht na hÉireann they had fought for encompassed all 32 counties, and rejected the authority of both the Northern Irish parliament and the Dáil Éireann, the parliament of the Irish Free State. This group, initially known as Irregulars, stood by the name Irish Republican Army (IRA). More or less only for academic purposes, namely to distinct this Irish Republican Army (IRA) from the army of the Irish Republic, the name is changed in Official Irish Republican Army (oIRA). However, in several articles and newspapers the term Irish Republican Army (IRA) is still used with reference to the Official Irish Republican Army (oIRA) or any other branch.
Beside being a schism in the Republican movement the continuation of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) also meant the birth of the Irish definition of Republican. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) is not striving for a republic as such, but for an undivided Ireland.
The Official Irish Republican Army (oIRA) managed to survive the Civil War, simply by stop fighting, and continued to exist as an illegal army in the Irish Free State (from 1921 until 1937), Éire (from 1937 until 1949), the Republic of Ireland (since 1949) and Northern Ireland (since 1921).
In the late 1960's many of its traditional supporters felt that the Official Irish Republican Army (oIRA) was unable to defend their rights. Often you could read IRA = I Ran Away written on the walls. As a result the hard-liners formed the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA).
Although the exact number of members, called Officials or Stickies (derived from the manner they worn the Easter Lily), is unknown the strength of the Official Irish Republican Army (oIRA) is considered marginal. The cease-fire, declared in 1972, was one of the first in The Troubles. Despite some incidents and a small arsenal of riffles, machineguns and hand guns, it is still standing.
Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA)
IRA Statement
July 2005
The leadership of Oglaigh na hEireann has formally ordered an end to the armed campaign.
This will take effect from 4 p.m. this afternoon. All IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programs through exclusively peaceful means. Volunteers must not engage in any other activities whatsoever.
The IRA leadership has also authorized a representative to engage with the IICD to complete the process to verifiably put its arms beyond use in a way which will further enhance public confidence and to conclude this as quickly as possible. We have invited two independent witnesses, from the Protestant and catholic churches, to testify to this. The Army Council took these decisions following an unprecedented internal discussion and consultation process with IRA units and volunteers.
We appreciate the honest and forthright way in which the consultation process was carried out and the depth and content of the submissions. We are proud of the comradely way in which this truly historic discussion was conducted. The outcome of our consultations show very strong support among IRA volunteers for the Sinn Fein peace strategy. There is also widespread concern about the failure of the two governments and the unionists to fully engage in the peace process. This has created real difficulties. The overwhelming majority of people in Ireland fully support this process. They and friends of Irish unity through the world want to see the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement.
Notwithstanding these difficulties, our decisions have been taken to advance our republican and democratic objectives, including our goal of a united Ireland. We believe there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country.
It is the responsibility of all volunteers to show leadership, determination and courage. We are very mindful of the sacrifices of our patriotic dead, those who went to jail, volunteers, their families and the wider republican base. We reiterate our view that the armed struggle was entirely legitimate.
We are conscious that many people suffered in the conflict. There is a compelling imperative on all sides to build a just and lasting peace.
The issue of the defence of nationalist and republican communities has been raised with us. There is a responsibility on society to ensure that there is no reoccurrence of the programs of 1969 and the early-1970s. There is also a universal responsibility to tackle sectarianism in all its forms.
The IRA is fully committed to the goals of Irish unity and independence and to building the Republic outlined in the 1916 Proclamation.
We call for maximum unity and effort by Irish republicans everywhere. We are confident that by working together Irish republicans can achieve our objectives. Every volunteer is aware of the import of the decisions we have taken and all oglaigh are compelled to fully comply with these orders.
There is now an unprecedented opportunity to utilise the considerable energy and goodwill which there is for the peace process. This comprehensive series of unparalleled initiatives is our contribution to this and to the continued endeavours to bring about independence and unity for the people of Ireland.
P. O'Neill
Source: CNN.
In the late 1960's, in the wake of the People's Democracy March, Northern Ireland had become a civil battlefield. Numerous sectarian killings took place and arson was of the order of the day. Disappointment grew in the ranks of the Official Irish Republican Army (oIRA).
Some members, with the Belfast Brigade taking the lead, deemed the Official Irish Republican Army (oIRA) unable to protect Catholics and Catholic properties. Although these members openly questioned the abjuration of the armed struggle, the main essence of the dispute was whether or not to recognise the Dáil Ëireann. After all recognising the Dáil Éireann would imply a recognition of the partition of Ireland.
This displeased Republicans founded the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA).
In the years to come the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) became the largest and most violent paramilitary organisation in Northern Ireland.
The Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) is suspected to maintain relations with other paramilitary organisations all over the globe. There are still ongoing and persistent rumours that members were involved in the training of revolutionary groups such as the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarios de Colombia (FARC, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, and the Basque terrorist group Euskadi ta Askatasuna (ETA, meaning Basque Fatherland and Liberty).
Less vague are connections with questionable regimes such as Iran and Libya. The latter is known to have supported several paramilitary groups such as the Basque Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) and the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) in the 1980's. The French police, for example, intercepted a ship carrying a small yet sophisticated arsenal from Libya to the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) in 1987. It is also believed that the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) has obtained surface-to-air missiles, or SAM's, from Libya. This alliance is known as the Green-Green Alliance, after the colour of Irish Republicans and the Libyan flag.
Notwithstanding the connections with global paramilitary organisations, and with Irish descendants abroad, the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) had lost an important support base by embracing the armed struggle and rejecting the Dáil Éireann. By now the Republic of Ireland itself is a fierce opponent of this organisation.
Resources
Besides from questionable regimes the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) received support from descendants of Irish emigrants in the United States of America, Australia and Canada and from the Republic of Ireland. The appropriation of these funds however was not necessarily illegal. Large amounts of money were used to financially support the families of imprisoned members and the legal assistance of prisoners.
Other means of financing are merely based on rumours and allegations. It is for example suggested that the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) had been involved in illegal drinking clubs, so-called Shebeen Subsidiaries, which came into existence after several pubs had been bombed. These clubs provided not only income, but also laundry opportunities for money emanated from bank robberies, ransom money and other money making activities. It is believed that, after sharpening the rules for gaming machines and closing the illegal clubs, the sphere of activity has shifted to the import and export of illegal software, music CD's and DVD's. Obviously the increasing distribution of CD and DVD recorders and broadband Internet connections forced the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) to search other moneymaking activities.
When on 21 December 2004 a branch of the Northern Ireland Bank (NIB) in Belfast was robbed and clues pointed towards the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) it became likely that they had found an other money source.
Although there is no doubt that the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) was at least partially financed with illegal money making activities we have to emphasise the hypothetical character of many rumours. One of these rumours which pops up occasionally is the alleged link between fast-food giant McDonald's and the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA). This urban legend probably originates from a highly inventive person who saw the acronym IRA, which means Individual Retirement Account, on an American McDonald's payslip.
Major problem by ascribing criminal offences to paramilitary organisations is the indictment of suspects. Assuming the robbers of the Northern Ireland Bank (NIB) are arrested some day and brought to trail they will be charged with robbery, and probably not with membership of a proscribed organisation.
If you want to know more about the alleged and plausible flows of money we recommend an article written by W.A.Tupman. He investigate the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) as if it is an everyday company.
Organisation
During the 1974 - 1976 cease-fire several ad-hoc groups, such as the South Armagh Republican Action Force (SARAF) and the Republican Action Force (RAF), surfaced. It is believed that these organisations were made up by members of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) to get round the cease-fire.
In the late 1970's a thorough reorganisation took place in the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA). To ward off infiltration by intelligence services the organisation reformed from a central organised organisation in a cell structure, which is now quite common in paramilitary organisations all over the globe. Not only the infiltration risk decreased due to this new structure, but also the number of active members dropped from about 1500 to less than 500. Ironically this new structure was copied from their sworn enemies, the Special Air Service (SAS).
Changing times induced the comeback of centralised leadership and until recently the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) was one of the best organised paramilitary organisations in Ireland.
Responsible for the daily operations is the Provisional Army Council (PAC), which is indirect elected by the General Army Convention (GAC). The Provisional Army Council (PAC) appoints a Chief of Staff who is responsible for the General Headquarters (GHQ). The General Headquarters (GHQ) consist of several departments responsible for finance, publications, education, security et cetera and the commanders of the brigades.
It is believed that the Provisional Army Council (PAC) must be informed about nearly every aspect of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) and that this body decides whether or not to carry out an operation. This assumption has some major consequences. The members of the Provisional Army Council (PAC) are considered accessories to whatever legal or illegal action of the brigades.
Since 1998 the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) is bound to the Good Friday Agreement. In July 2002 the organisation repeated its commitment to the peace process in Northern Ireland and apologised to the families of non-combatants who had been killed or injured. Whether or not the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) had committed itself to a cease-fire was a matter of interpretation. In 1994 the organisation declared a complete cessation of military operations. This declaration was initially interpreted as a definitive cease-fire and willingness to disarm, but soon this interpretation appeared to be wrong.
Nevertheless occasionally a weapon depot with unserviceable rendered arms were opened. The real magnitude of the arsenal was unknown, but beside the usual rifles, machine guns and small arms the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) is alleged to posses extremely heavy weapons like anti-aircraft missiles, rocket launchers and tons of Semtex. Not stored in the depots are the DIY-weapons, such as home-made mortars and bombs based on fertiliser.
Robert McCartney
Sinn Féin, an organisation founded early in the twentieth century, is considered as the political wing of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA). The association of a political party to a paramilitary organisation is risky. Recently public support for Sinn Féin decreased due to the alleged involvement of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) in the robbery of the Northern Ireland Bank (NIB). The association really backfired in March 2005, when the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) made a highly unusual offer to the family of Robert McCartney.
McCartny, a 33 year old Catholic man from Belfast, was killed on 31 January 2005 after being involved in a pub fight. Accusations that this murder was carried out by members of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) were categorically denied by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) and Sinn Féin. Nevertheless the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) conducted an investigation and on 8 March 2005 they told the McCartny's that the killers would be executed if the family wanted. The family and the British and Irish governments immediately condemned this horrible offer.
Sinn Féin needed a whole day before they publicly rejected the course of action as proposed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA). This delayed, and therewith less convincing, reaction was heavily counted against them, but we have to realise that Sinn Féin was dancing on extremely thin ice. Whatever their statement would be, it would definitely disturb a delicate balance in Northern Ireland. By disassociating from the offer the ball was in the court of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA).
The following months the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) took stock. The organisation did not only had to contend with its own blunders from the last six months, but also with its most intrinsic essence. Since the attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 by Al Qaeda, a world-wide network of militant Islamic organisations, support for paramilitary organisations was fading and funds ran dry. On a more practical level the flows of money and goods were closely monitored by security services world wide, making maintaining a full rigged up paramilitary organisation virtually impossible.
The outcome of this stocktaking was epoch-making and unprecedented in Ireland. On 28 July 2005 the leadership of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) ordered an end to the armed campaign and to complete the process to verifiably put its arms beyond use in a way which will further enhance public confidence and to conclude this as quickly as possible. The latter refers to the disarmament or decommission, which has been the hottest issue of the Northern Irish peace process since the cease-fire of August 1994.
Although the initial signs are hopeful, it is too early draw conclusions about the impact and effect of this statement on the long term. If you carefully read and listen around there are three major remarks on this statement.
In the past every cease-fire and agreement was followed by the founding of a splinter group. Would the current leadership of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) be powerful enough to avoid such schism to occur? More or less in line with this argument is the assumption that already existing organisations, such as the Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA) and the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA), are willing to accept dissident members of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA).
A second remark is the fact that the organisation as such remains intact. Notwithstanding the decreasing support and funds, the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) has proven to be very inventive in finding financial resources, and also by their statement of July 2005 they strengthened the image of a strict yet flexible organisation, perfectly capable to adapt itself to changing circumstances. Let's call a spade a spade: until this day the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) is one of the few organisations in Ireland capable to raise an intense, vicious and long-term armed campaign.
The last remark concerns the political aspirations of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA). Until now these aspirations are completely unknown. Are these aspirations limited to local politics or are they aiming at national, or Irish, politics? Will they move with Sinn Féin, or start a political party on their own?
Continuity Irish Republican Army (cIRA)
In 1986 a dispute between Sinn Féin in the Republic of Ireland and Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland led to the formation of the Republican Sinn Féin (RSF). The Republican Sinn Féin (RSF) did not agree with the decision made at the annual congress to participate in the Dáil Éireann and therewith recognise the partition. Some members of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) supported the Republican Sinn Féin (RSF) and founded the Continuity Irish Republican Army (cIRA), also known as Continuity Army Council (CAC). The Republican Sinn Féin (RSF) denies linkage with the Continuity Irish Republican Army (cIRA).
The Continuity Irish Republican Army (cIRA) claimed to be the true inheritor of the Irish Republican tradition, meaning the mental legacy of the original Irish Republican Army (IRA) that fought in the War of Independence. As such they opposed the Good Friday Agreement and it is believed that some members of the Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA) defected to the Continuity Irish Republican Army (cIRA) in 1998. Despite this growth their strength is estimated on a few dozen members.
Although the Continuity Irish Republican Army (cIRA) is small in terms of membership and financial means the organisation is still considered a potential threat by the Security Service (MI5).
The organisation is flawless protected against infiltration by distributing its members over small service units of six members and the lack of notable centralised leadership. As a result the available weapons and explosives are unknown. It is believed however that the Continuity Irish Republican Army (cIRA) have enough expertise at its deposal to construct improvised explosives. In other words: the Continuity Irish Republican Army (cIRA) lacks the means to launch a long-lasting campaign, but is definitely capable and inclined to carry out sudden drastic attacks.
Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA)
In the mid-1990's Sinn Féin agreed with the proposal of the Republic of Ireland to repeal articles 2 and 3 of the Bunreacht na hÉireann, the Constitution of the Republic of Ireland. These articles claimed jurisdiction of the Republic of Ireland over the whole island Ireland. In harmony with Sinn Féin and in order to create a climate in which negotiations were possible the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) announced a cease-fire.
Some Sinn Féin members and members of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) disagreed and Michael Mickey McKevitt and his wife Bernadette Sands-McKevitt founded the 32 County Committee, later renamed in 32-County Sovereignty Movement (32CSM). This political pressure group was initially dedicated to removal of British troops from Northern Ireland and to unify Ireland, but is nowadays more oriented on raising funds for prisoners welfare and publicity concerning that.
The Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA), also known as True Irish Republican Army (tIRA) or Dissident Irish Republican Army (dIRA), is considered the armed branch of this organisation. The leaders of the 32-County Sovereignty Movement (32CSM) however denied any engagement with the Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA).
Due to the high-risk operations of the Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA), including the 1998 Omagh bombing which killed 29 people, 20% of its approximately 200 members is in jail.
The magnitude of the Omagh bombing supported the impression of a connection between the Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA) and the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA). The nature of this link however is unknown, but the allegations are that the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) lend some of its engineers or material to the Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA).
A few months after the Omagh bombing the Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA) declared a suspension of activities and are now bound by the Good Friday Agreement. Nevertheless the organisation refuses to disarm and is known to have carried out attacks recently.
The Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA) is considered a threat for the national security by the Security Service (MI5) due to its lack of any central command, its reputation and its unknown arsenal.
A very deceiving cover name used by the Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA) is Direct Action Against Drugs (DAAD).
In May 2004 the Belfast Crown Court stated that under the current legislation the Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA) is not a proscribed group. The Real Irish Republican Army (rIRA) was recognised by the Northern Irish government in the 1998 Northern Ireland Sentencing Act as a distinct group which no relations to the proscribed Irish Republican Army (IRA), but they forgot to list the Irish Republican Army (rIRA) as proscribed group.